Showing posts with label John B. Gordon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label John B. Gordon. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 22, 2026

Marking Lee’s Headquarters at Appomattox

A wooden board mark's Lee HQ

   Recently, I acquired a postcard of Robert E. Lee’s last headquarters at Appomattox. In the turn- of-the-century style, a board nailed to a tree marks the spot of Lee’s camp site. The post card is postmarked 1906, about two decades before the National Park Service acquired the property.

   Lee’s headquarters was about a mile east of Appomattox Court House. He spent the night of April 8, 1865, sans tent, sleeping under the stars with Longstreet, Fitz Lee, and John B. Gordon. Lee met with Grant the following day at the McLean House, surrendering the Army of Northern Virginia. The headquarters’ wagon arrived, and Lee’s tent was pitched. It was at this site that Lee’s headquarters’ flag was cut up, and where, in a wagon, General Order #9 was drafted, copied, and sent to the surviving corps and division commanders.

   There are not many descriptions of the camp compound. One came from Maj. Gen. Thomas F. McCory (US), who had known Lee during the war with Mexico. McCory recalled in 1888 that it was a challenge, but

“so favorable an opportunity may never again he presented, and would make the effort, so that we could have it to say that we spoke with the great Confederate General. The way to Lee’s headquarters we did not know, but we rode along the great rode leading through the Confederate camps, and as we advanced made inquerry, and for some time received but little satisfaction, but at length met an officer who very courteously said that Lee’s headquarters would be found ‘right out that road.’ Following the direction some distance in a wood we soon found ourselves in the midst of headquarters tents. On the right of the road we saw one of our Major-Generals, an old army officer, sitting beneath a tent-fly waiting for an interview with Lee. A little further on we noticed an officer in full uniform of the Confederate color standing before a fire in front of his tent, and I at once said to my companion that it was General Lee, whom I immediately recognized, although I had not seen him for nearly twenty years. It was suggested that we ride a little aside, hitch up our horses, and go right up to the General and not attempt a formal approach in the red tape style, or we might fail in our purpose.”[1]

   McCoy detailed his conversation with Lee, yet provided no other descriptions of the camp. One Tar Heel recalled that on the night of April 9, the regimental band of the 4th North Carolina Infantry visited Lee’s headquarters, serenading him. The entire regiment was present, and “Gen. Lee came out of his tent, gave his hand to all and bid them farewell.”[2]

   There was a movement to start marking various spots connected to historical events related to the war. For some places, like Gettysburg, that movement started in 1864 with the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association. For the most part, it was not until the late 1800s that the movement picked up traction. Veterans were visiting the fields where they had fought, some attempting to mark prominent positions with painted boards, often nailed to trees.

  Joseph W. Kirkley and Calvin D. Cowles visited Appomattox in 1892. Both Kirkley and Cowles worked on commission producing the Official Records and are the authors of the atlas that accompanied the volumes. What they discovered was that the Grand Army of the Potomac, a veterans’ organization for Federal soldiers, had purchased much of the property. The idea was that summer homes could be constructed for “members who desired to revisit leisurely the scene of the surrender.” The venture, however, had failed.[3] A new courthouse was being constructed down the road at Appomattox Station, and the McLean house had been disassembled for shipment to Washington, D.C. for display. “It became at once apparent that Appomattox was being robbed of its most interesting architectural feature, and the commissioners at once regretted that steps had not been taken to prevent this act of vandalism, and measures taken to have the McLean house made some sort of memorial hall in perpetuity.”

 

  Kirkley and Cowles could find only one man, George Peers, who had lived in the area during the eventful days of April 1865. Peers had been the clerk of court since 1860. Kirkley and Cowles filed their report, and there was some movement to mark the important positions. This included support from former Confederate general John B. Gordon.

   Plans were made to produce several iron signs, much like those at Chickamauga. One sign denoted where Confederate artillery fired their last shot on the morning on April 9, 1865; another the apple tree that Lee and Grant met under on the morning of April 10; and yet another denoted the site of Lee’s final headquarters. These were apparently all in place by 1893.[4]

   But to the postcards, which still have the wooden sign image. These were apparently printed prior to 1893. Maybe they were made to support the failed Grand Army of the Republic enterprise.



[1] The Free Lance-Star, June 5, 1888.

[2] The Charlotte Observer, March 17, 1895.

[3] The Times-Picayune, November 24, 1893.

[4] The Times-Picayune, November 24, 1893.

Friday, April 03, 2026

Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis, and biographer Frank Alfriend

   Recently, on one of the online auction sites, a letter from Robert E. Lee to Jefferson Davis was listed. Lee, writing on April 2, 1868, thanks Davis for a copy of Frank H. Alfriend’s The Life of Jefferson Davis. Born in Richmond in January 1841, Alfriend was a graduate of William and Mary College and taught school in Richmond during at least part of the war.[1] By early 1863, he was writing for the Southern Literary Messenger, publishing a piece entitled “The Great Danger of the Confederacy.”[2] In December 1863, it was announced that Alfriend was now the editor of the publication.[3]

Lee to Davis letter on eBay in 2026.

   Alfriend continued writing after the war, becoming a contributor to the Raleigh-based Field and Fireside.[4] Some of his pieces were biographical in nature, such as a piece on Italian revolutionary Garibaldi.[5] All the while, Alfriend was working on a biography of Jefferson Davis. The Biblical Recorder reported in January 1868 that Alfriend, “an attractive writer,” was working on as biography of Jefferson Davis. “The time for that book has not yet arrived, but we feel sure that Mr. Alfriend will execute the work in a manner fully equal to the expectations of his numerous admirers.”[6]

   Alfriend’s book was not the first. Alfred Taylor Bledso released Is Davis a Traitor, or was Secession a Constitutional Right Previous to 1861 in 1866.

   Alfriend reached out to Davis on July 22, 1867, about the biography. Davis confessed that he had “always been very reluctant to give an account of my own deeds.” Sketches that had been released to date were “very defective and often erroneous.” Davis then writes about his time in the U.S. Senate, the Missouri Compromise, working with President Buchanan, and the Crittenden Compromise. Concerning treason, with which Davis was being charged, he wrote “The first congress of the Confederation defined treason, and there was unmistakably declared the doctrine to which the founders of the Union steadily adhered, the paramount allegiance of the citizen to his state. The departure from that creed has been the source of all our ills.” Davis confessed that he had “no books to which to refer and write from memory entirely.”[7] Davis wrote in 1888 that he had only this one “conversation” with Alfriend prior to the publication of the biography.[8]

   The Life of Jefferson Davis was released by the National Publishing Company in March 1868. It was not widely available, and readers needed to subscribe to obtain a copy. The Cincinnati Commercial considered it possibly the best book on the life of Davis, but noted Alfriend’s confession that he was writing from a Southern viewpoint. Despite this bias, the Ohio newspaper believed Alfriend’s work “will excite a lively interest and have a permanent historic value. . . All in all, this volume is the most valuable contribution yet made to the history of the war by any Southern author.”[9] While some praised Alfriend’s biography, it did not meet the approval of everyone. In the December 1868 issue of D.H. Hill’s The Land We Love came a scathing review. “We regard this book as a great misfortune to Mr. Davis,” wrote the editor. “This is much of real value in this book, and it is to be regretted that Mr. Frank H. Alfriend did not confine himself to matters he understood. His military criticisms are not worth a button.”[10]

   Obviously, Davis either asked Alfriend to send a copy of the book to Lee, or Alfriend took it upon himself to send a copy to Lee. On April 2, Lee wrote to Davis: “I am very much obliged to you for the copy of your “Life of Jefferson Davis” which you have kindly sent me. I will take pleasure in its perusal.” Did Davis actually mail the book to Lee? Probably not. Writing to Alfriend in April 1871, Davis confessed that he had “not seen your biography of myself and have failed in my efforts to get a copy.”[11]

   Alfriend continued to work for various newspapers, including the Wilmington Star, the Louisville Courier-Journal, and the Atlanta Constitution. While in Atlanta, he befriended John B. Gordon. When Gordon went to Washington, D.C., as a senator, he got Alfriend a job as an assistant librarian. Alfriend was working on a revised biography on Davis when he died on May 3, 1887. He is buried in Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond.[12]

      While this letter has recently come to light, does Lee’s copy of The Life of Jefferson Davis survive?



[1] Richmond Dispatch, August 26, 1862, September 24, 1863, September 12, 1864.

[2] Staunton Spectator, February 3, 1863.

[3] Richmond Dispatch, December 30, 1863.

[4] Field and Fireside, January 6, 1866.

[5] The Field and Fireside, July 28, 1866.

[6] The Biblical Recorder, January 22, 1868.

[7] The Papers of Jefferson Davis, 12:239-43.

[8] Ibid, 12:244n20.

[9] quoted in the Clarion-Ledger, March 7, 1868.

[10] Book Notes. The Land We Love (December 1868): 179-181.

[11] The Papers of Jefferson Davis, 13:20-21.

[12] The Papers of Jefferson Davis, 12:243.

Monday, March 04, 2024

The United Confederate Veteran reunions in Memphis

   Following the war, veterans organizations sprang up all over the nation. Memphis seemed slow to join the various groups. Prominent in the 1870s was the Mexican War Veterans Association, with Gideon Pillow as its commander. It appears that the original fraternal group in Memphis was known as the “Confederate Veterans Historical Association.” This later becomes the Confederate Veteran Historical Association Camp No. 28 after the United Confederate Veteran was formed in July 1889. Its counterpart in Memphis was the William J. Smith Post 1896, Grand Army of the Republic.[1]  

   Both organizations held national reunions for their membership in different locations across the United States. Quite possibly the closest that a GAR reunion was held to Memphis was the National Encampment in St. Louis in September 1887. Three times, the United Confederate Veterans held national reunions in Memphis: 1901, 1909, and 1924.

Program from the 1901 reunion. 
(TN Virtual Archives) 
   The 11th Annual Reunion of the United Confederate Veterans was held May 28-30, 1901, drawing 20,000 participants. The Rev. J. William Jones opened the day with a prayer, followed by an address from the governor, the mayor and a US Senator, then John B. Gordon, General-in-chief of the United Confederate Veterans. The commands of Nathan Bedford Forrest and John Hunt Morgan were recognized. Joseph Wheeler spoke, followed by Fitzhugh Lee and General Bates.  That was all the first day. Alexander P. Stewart spoke the following day, and business was conducted, such as a fundraiser approved for a monument to Southern women, a decision on the location of the next reunion, a meeting of Confederate surgeons, a grand ball, and a flower parade. There were of course extras through the three days. Capt. George H. Mitchell, superintendent of the Memphis National Cemetery, encouraged the Confederate veterans to come and pay their respects. There was even a meeting of Confederate and Union veterans in the lobby of the Peabody hotel.[2]  

   The 19th Annual Reunion of the United Confederate Veterans was held June 8-10, 1909. The reunion was held jointly with the Confederate Southern Memorial Association. The crowds, estimated at 90,000 visitors (railroad officials believed the number of visitors at 175,000), found the route of the parade of veterans “a mass of brilliant bunting and fluttering flags . . . It was noticeable that the star-spangled banner was given almost equal place in many instances with the banner that was furled but never conquered.” Many local citizens sported badges that read “I live here; ask me.” The Bijou Theater was used as the convention hall where the meetings of delegates took place. The governor was on hand to welcome the veterans and their guest, followed by the singing of “Dixie,” and a “Rebel yell.” Clement A. Evans spoke, as did Lewis Guion, pleading for a park at Vicksburg, with a Confederate monument. There was a memorial service in honor of Jefferson Davis, the introduction of Nathan Bedford Forrest’s great-grandson, a reunion of the Immortal 600, and a grand ball. As at many of the reunions, there was a casualty or two. Jack Duhig, a member of the Sterling Price Camp, Dallas, Texas, died in a local hospital, probably from a heat stroke.[3]

Veterans at the 1924 reunion.
(flickr-ufomtiger52)

   The 34th Annual reunion of the United Confederate Veterans was held June 3-5, 1924. Reunion headquarters was at the Claridge Hotel, and thousands were reported in attendance. The event started with a memorial service at Elmwood Cemetery, with the Confederate graves being marked with flags and addresses on several topics, including Jefferson Davis. It was Davis’s birthdate. On June 4, the reunion officially began. The mayor of Memphis spoke (but the governor only sent his regards), then Commander-in- Chief W.B. Haldeman. “The grim reaper is rapidly depleting the ranks of the Confederate veterans,” Haldeman told the crowd, estimated at 5,000. Haldeman was re-elected as commander, and annual dues were increased. Most of the veterans were now driven in cars along the parade route. The only Confederate general present seems to have been Felix Robertson. There were also twenty “old ex-slaves who had served . . . during the war.” The Memphis D.A.R. sponsored an opening luncheon, the Kiwanis Club sponsored the floral parade, the R.O.T.C. and the Boy Scouts provided programing and helped the old veterans around the city, while there were several balls, one sponsored by the Ladies’ Confederate Memorial Association and another by the Memphis United Daughters of the Confederacy. Several veterans were reported in the hospital, “suffering from natural afflictions and the infirmities of age.” One newspaper editor was happy to have the veterans in Memphis, but also found the reunion “tinged. . . with sadness. It is more and more evident that the day is not far distant when there will be the grand final reunion in a city not made with hands, the reunion in which every man who fought on either side in the sixties will have a part.”[4]  



[1] Public Ledger, April 25, 1890; The Memphis Commercial, January 21, 1894.

[2] Confederate Veteran, 9:248-250; The Commercial Appeal, May 5, 1901, May 28, 1901.

[3] Confederate Veteran, 17:197, 314-16; The Commercial Appeal, June 11, 1909.

[4] Confederate Veteran, 32: 251-54; The Commercial Appeal, June 4, 1924, June 7, 1923.